After the bloodletting over MPs' expenses came the prescription for recovery of trust between politicians and the electorate. An independent parliamentary standards authority and a statutory code of conduct for MPs, with all claims to be published online, were all expected, but the first firm step towards transparency came with the announcement that a Bill to establish them will be published before the summer recess and that all parliamentary expenses claims will be published online within days. Other wide-ranging proposals for parliamentary and constitutional reform, however, offer an array of possibilities, but may equally be ruled out after the next General Election.

The prospects for reform of the electoral system amount, as yet, to no more than a proposed topic for debate. From a Prime Minister still bruised by the Labour Party's historic low in the European elections, it is inevitable this will be seen as a self-interested move or, as LibDem leader, Nick Clegg, put it, "a deathbed conversion". Yet there is an appetite for the composition of the House of Commons to reflect more accurately the proportion of votes cast for different parties, as well the result in particular constituencies.

Mr Brown avowed himself keen to maintain the link between the constituency and the member of parliament, but has set the hare running over possible alternatives to the first-past-the-post system. Although he has said there must be public consultation on such a major change, he would not be drawn on whether it should be a matter for a referendum. That should become part of the debate that will now ensue over the merit of the single transferable vote versus the alternative vote. While particular systems tend to be most enthusiastically supported by those who think it will favour their party, this debate will not be confined to political anoraks. There are already several different voting systems in operation throughout the UK, which can provide some evidence for their effectiveness in providing democratic accountability and commanding public support.

More immediately, parliamentary reform will include the next stage of the Bill to reform the House of Lords, with the government already committed to an 80%-100% elected second chamber. Reform is necessary; the danger now, however, is that with so little parliamentary time remaining before a General Election, the legislation will be rushed through the Commons without realising its full democratic potential. The essential role of the Lords is in scrutinising legislation and, in that regard, the genuine expertise of many peers is invaluable. How to retain that with an elected chamber requires careful consideration. Before it can pass into law, however, the Bill must gain approval from their lordships as currently constituted - and the timetable may not allow for that. The raft of potential reforms - more powers for select committees and backbenchers, a new mechanism for airing the issues raised by public petition and extending the Freedom of Information Act - reveals just how significant a turning point the expenses scandal will become. Cleaning up and policing expenses is the easy part, however. Mr Brown's increasing habit of appointing unelected peers to cabinet posts sits ill with his cry for "democratic renewal" and demonstrates that accountability requires a more fundamental change.